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To be Nevada’s First Choice to connect businesses and job seekers. If you have worked for the Federal Government in the last 18 months. employer in the United States. Whatever your interest and back- ground,you can probably find a Government career to match. People get jobs in the Federal. It examines the reasons for the growth in temporary employment contracts across the EU and explores the situation regarding access to social protection for.
 
 

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Department of Education. Additionally, OCR seeks to foster a diverse and inclusive working environment that accommodates fedrral differences so that no person shall be denied employment взято отсюда or benefits for reasons unrelated to merit.

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OCR offers internships in offices across the country. A description of intern duties in each of these offices follows:. Enforcement offices are primarily responsible for investigating and resolving the thousands of civil rights complaints OCR receives each year. Enforcement offices also propose, investigate and resolve agency-initiated cases, typically called compliance reviews, which permit OCR to target resources on discrimination that appears particularly jjobs.

Enforcement offices also provide technical assistance to help students, loyin, and educational institutions understand their rights and responsibilities under the civil rights laws. Interns pogin an enforcement office will work with attorneys and investigators on all aspects of gobernment case processing, compliance, usa jobs federal jobs government jobscan login 365 outlook technical assistance activities, including, for example, gathering information from complainants and educational institutions, interviewing relevant parties, performing on-site visits of educational institutions, and completing legal research and writing projects.

These interns will deal with cases as they rise in goverrnment level, as well as particularly complex compliance reviews. Office of the Assistant Secretary The Office of the Assistant Secretary oversees all of the responsibilities for OCR, serves as the principal advisor to the Secretary of Education on civil rights matters, sets the priorities in OCR’s strategic plan, provides program objectives for OCR’s national enforcement docket, and manages OCR’s Congressional liaison and public information activities.

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Interns can expect to develop several legal and policy memos over the course of the semester as well as talking points jobsczn other briefing materials for the Assistant Secretary.

PLG also has responsibility как сообщается здесь developing and providing technical assistance to individuals, schools, and other members of the public.

In PLG, each intern will work closely with civil rights attorneys and staff on a variety of assignments and special projects. Interns who work on CRDC-related projects may also have the opportunity to conduct data hovernment, review and comment on statistical reports, draft technical memoranda, and assist in preparing CRDC surveys, and outpook and statistical reports for lay audiences.

Interns work directly with CRDC staff and leadership and will have the opportunity to attend meetings and events on a range of topics. Interns can expect to conduct нажмите для деталей on education issues and policies related to civil rights laws and enforcement, conduct data analyses, review and comment on kutlook reports, draft technical memoranda and responses to public inquiries, and assist in developing and drafting technical and statistical reports for lay audiences.

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For CRDC internships — currently matriculating at an undergraduate or graduate institution working towards a degree and in academic good usa jobs federal jobs government jobscan login 365 outlook at the time of application. Candidates with strong knowledge and skills in a full range of statistical theories and techniques, including methods for collecting, computing, and analyzing large-scale data sets; and applying statistical techniques such as measurement of central tendency, dispersion, skewness, correlation, analysis of 36, and tests of significance, are preferred.

Compensation: Volunteer without compensation. Course credit is available depending upon school requirements. Application Deadline: OCR is currently accepting ooutlook for summer legal internships. Additional application usa jobs federal jobs government jobscan login 365 outlook may be required at a later date. Although we will accept applications for summer legal usa jobs federal jobs government jobscan login 365 outlook until February 28,we may make 356 decisions on a rolling basis.

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In: Barling J. The Psychology of Workplace Safety. Fenwick R. The Macroeconomic Context of Job Stress. Health Soc. Maddocks H. Underemployment, Unemployment, and Mental Health. Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository Ferman L. In: Mental Health and the Economy. Golden L. Bell D. Underemployment in the US and Europe. National Conference of State Legislatures. Minimum Wage by State. Narain K. BMC Public Health. Gertner A. Wehby G. Effects of the minimum wage on infant health.

Policy Anal. Ibragimov U. States with higher minimum wages have lower STI rates among women: Results of an ecological study of 66 US metropolitan areas, — Abraham K. Is Skill Mismatch Impeding U. Economic Recovery. ILR Rev. Capelli P. Lazear E. Rothstein J. Dickson A. Feldman D. The nature, antecedents and consequences of underemployment. McKee-Ryan F. Thompson K. Rethinking underemployment and overqualification in organizations: The not so ugly truth.

Jacobe D. US Unemployment Improves in October. Newport F. Jensen L. Underemployment in America: Measurement and Evidence. Blanchflower D. Labor Market Slack and Monetary Policy. De Anda R.

Unemployment and Underemployment among Mexican-Origin Workers. De Jong G. A Double Disadvantage? Soltero J. Zhou M. Underemployment and economic disparities among minority groups.

Policy Rev. Valletta R. Working Paper No. Mutchler J. Underemployment and Gender: Demographic and Structural Indicators. Flynn M. Gravel S. Occupational health and safety for workers in precarious job situations: Combating inequalities in the workplace. Labour Stud. Kasl S. Unemployment and health. In: Ayers S. Cambridge Handbook of Psychology, Health and Medicine.

Paul K. Unemployment impairs mental health: Meta-analyses. Wanberg C. Time structure and unemployment: A longitudinal investigation. Lundin A. Unemployment and mortality—A longitudinal prospective study on selection and causation in Swedish middle-aged men. Zagozdzon P. Survival and cause-specific mortality among unemployed individuals in Poland during economic transition. Public Health. Mortality in relation to employment status during different levels of unemployment.

Gerdtham U. A note on the effect of unemployment on mortality. Health Econ. Morris J. Loss of employment and mortality. Stefansson C. Long-term unemployment and mortality in Sweden, — Martikainen P. Unemployment and mortality among Finnish men, — Iversen L. Hospital admissions before and after shipyard closure. Unemployment and mortality in Denmark, — Moser K. Johnson A. Golden parachutes: Changing the experience of unemployment for managers. Reininghaus U. Psychiatry Psychiatr. Sadeh N. The sense of self-continuity as a resource in adaptive coping with job loss.

Broman C. Health consequences of youth unemployment. Hammarstrom A. Early unemployment can contribute to adult health problems: Results from a longitudinal study of school leavers. Mossakowski K. Is the duration of poverty and unemployment a risk factor for heavy drinking? Brown D. Do economic variables generate psychological problems?

Different methods, different answers. In: MacFadyen A. Economic psychology: Intersections in Theory and Application. North Holland; Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Luo F. The Individual Experience of Unemployment. Galambos N. Depression, self-esteem, and anger in emerging adulthood: Seven-year trajectories. Moller H. Health Effects of Unemployment. Tefft N. Health Serv. McGrath J.

A conceptual formulation for research on stress. In: McGrath J. Social and Psychological Factors in Stress. The well-being of the overemployed and the underemployed and the rise in depression in the UK. Jones-Johnson G. Underemployment, underpayment, and psychosocial stress among working Black men.

Black Stud. Wooden M. Working Time Mismatch and Subjective Well-being. Wilkins R. The Consequences of Underemployment for the Underemployed. This section examines to what extent young people in temporary jobs are disadvantaged in access to social protection compared with workers who have standard contracts of employment.

In a number of countries, young people as a whole have more limited entitlement to social benefits than their older compatriots.

However, as shown below, explicit exclusion from such benefits for those in temporary jobs, such as not being eligible for social protection in the event of unemployment, sickness or maternity, not having the same entitlement to an old-age pension as others or not having the same access to healthcare, is rare.

Implicit or actual exclusion, in the sense of not being able to access social benefits because they fail to fulfil eligibility requirements because of an inadequate employment or social contributions record, is far more common. In many countries the bogus self-employed who work for a single organisation, often on less favourable terms than if they were an employee, also have less entitlement to social benefits than employees if they become unemployed or sick.

They are also less likely to build up sufficient entitlement to retirement pensions because their employers in not required to pay social contributions. In all countries apart from the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland, being in a temporary rather than a permanent job does not make a difference to formal entitlement to unemployment benefits. However, the amount and duration of benefits can differ as can entitlement, because those in temporary jobs are more likely to have an inadequate contribution record, low wages or relatively short working hours.

Young people on temporary contracts are likely to find it most difficult to meet qualifying conditions for unemployment benefits in the Netherlands, Ireland, Latvia and Poland, and easiest in France, Spain and Greece. The rules governing entitlement to benefit have remained largely unchanged in most countries over the crisis period, although they have been relaxed in Slovenia and Portugal, and in Italy entitlement has been extended to apprentices.

In Greece and the Czech Republic, by contrast, the rules have been tightened. In only five of the countries Denmark, Luxembourg, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovenia do the self-employed have the same entitlement to unemployment benefits as employees.

In around half the countries, they have no entitlement at all and in others they have the option of joining an insurance scheme voluntarily.

Whether the bogus self-employed are likely to take up this option is, however, open to question. As discussed, young people with temporary contracts of employment were often the first to lose their jobs as European economies went into recession in — and in most cases those who did had difficulty finding new ones. More generally, workers on temporary contracts obviously face a higher risk of unemployment than those on standard contracts and can also have more limited access to income support if this happens.

Income support for the unemployed can take one of two forms. Those out of work may be entitled to unemployment insurance benefits which are typically contributory, financed through earnings-related social contributions levied on employers and employees.

Eligibility depends on having a sufficient contributions record based on proof that the person concerned has been employed, and paid contributions, for a minimum period of time. The amount payable is in most cases earnings-related but can also be flat rate, or may include both a fixed and earnings-related component. All the European countries covered here have unemployment insurance schemes, although the eligibility conditions and the amount of benefit payable vary greatly.

If not eligible for unemployment benefits or if they have exhausted their entitlement, the unemployed might be able to receive unemployment assistance, which is non-contributory and mostly financed through general taxation.

This is generally less generous than unemployment benefit and often means-tested, assessed at the household rather than individual level so that young people living with their parents are not eligible. The amount received can be a flat-rate, or designed to bring a household’s income up to a minimum level, or a combination of both.

Eleven EU Member States Austria, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Malta, Portugal, Spain and the UK have specific unemployment assistance schemes, and in the remaining countries income support is provided, if eligibility conditions are met, as part of general social assistance or minimum income schemes.

In most countries covered by this report, no explicit distinction is made between those in temporary jobs and those on standard contracts of employment when considering eligibility for unemployment insurance benefit and qualifying conditions are the same in both cases. Three exceptions are the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland. Similarly, temporary workers Slovakia are also not eligible for unemployment benefits for the same reason if they do not receive a regular monthly wage, and up until January this was also the case for temporary workers receiving a regular wage.

More generally in Slovakia, workers on all types of temporary contract actually qualify more easily for unemployment benefit since they need to have been employed only for two years in the last four, instead of two years in the last three for permanent workers.

There are other ways in which young people in temporary jobs are disadvantaged if they become unemployed. In the UK, for instance, those under 18 are not eligible for any kind of unemployment insurance benefit, irrespective of the type of employment contract they have. In Italy, Ireland and the UK, younger workers’ benefit rates are lower than those for older workers. In Slovenia, most young people in temporary employment are not eligible for unemployment benefit because they are students and, as discussed, they make up the large majority of those in temporary jobs.

It is because they are students rather than because they are in temporary work that they are not covered by the insurance-based scheme. More commonly, in practice young people in temporary jobs are in many cases less likely to be eligible for unemployment insurance benefits because their contributions record is not adequate. Even if they do qualify, in a number of countries they may receive a lower amount because the benefit is related to time in employment or to total earnings over a specified period of time.

In some countries, they may be ineligible for benefit because they have earned less than a minimum amount or worked too few hours. In general, the shorter the time for which contributions must be paid to qualify for unemployment insurance benefits, the more likely it is that young people in temporary jobs will be able to access them.

Qualifying conditions are likely in practice to be most easily satisfied by temporary workers in France four months of employment in the last 28 months , Spain 12 months in the last 72 months , Greece 80 days, or around four months, in the last two years for first-time claimants and around six months in the previous 14 months for second claims , Malta 20 weeks in the last 24 months and Finland 34 weeks in the last 28 months, plus at least 18 hours of work per week when employed see Annex Table 8.

By contrast, conditions are likely to be most difficult to meet for temporary workers in the Netherlands six months in the last eight to qualify for three months of benefit , Ireland and Latvia nine months of employment in the previous 12 months , Poland 12 months in the last 18 and Bulgaria nine months in the last It is worth noting that qualifying conditions for unemployment benefit have changed during the crisis period only in a few countries, and even then some countries have relaxed rules rather than tightening them.

In Slovenia, the minimum time period of employment to be eligible for unemployment benefit was reduced in from 12 months in the last 18 to nine months in the last In March , the minimum insurance period for those under 30 was shortened to six months in the last In Portugal, the required period of paid contributions to qualify for benefit was reduced in from days in the preceding 24 months to days.

In Italy, young people on apprenticeships became eligible for unemployment benefit in January , having previously not qualified. In contrast, in the Czech Republic qualifying conditions for unemployment benefit were tightened in January ; the period for which contributions needed to be paid being shortened from 12 months out of the previous 36 to 12 months in the previous At the same time, however, for the first time students became eligible for the benefit if they were able to meet the qualifying conditions.

In Greece, in January the number of days for which unemployment benefit could be paid was capped. Now fixed at a maximum days in any four-year period, anyone who becomes unemployed who has already received days of benefit is no longer entitled to any further benefit.

Benefit rates have also been cut sharply during the crisis period, as they have in Ireland, Spain and Latvia. In Austria, the Czech Republic and Poland, unemployment insurance is not compulsory for those earning below a minimum threshold, and it may be that young people in temporary jobs might decide not to pay contributions to leave themselves with more disposable income.

In Bulgaria, unemployment insurance is confined to those working more than five days or 40 hours a calendar month, which again could rule out many of those in temporary jobs. In Bulgaria, as in Romania and Poland, benefit rates are according to how long contributions have been paid, which will also disadvantage those in temporary employment. In many countries, the maximum duration of benefits varies in line with the length of time for which contributions have been paid and, in a number of countries, with age, again potentially disadvantaging those on temporary contracts.

In Slovakia, however, the length of time for which benefits are payable is shorter for those who were previously employed in temporary jobs — a maximum of four months rather than six months — so offsetting to some extent the more lenient qualifying conditions which apply to such workers.

In a number of countries, young workers in temporary jobs may, in practice, have more limited access to unemployment assistance, as well as insurance benefits, than those on standard contracts of employment. In Greece, Spain, France, Austria and Portugal, for instance, eligibility for unemployment assistance requires previous receipt of unemployment insurance benefit. In the case of young people classed as self-employed, whether bogus or not, the contributions they have to pay are in some countries lower than in those of employees.

The corollary of this, however, tends to be that they have more limited access to social benefits if they lose their job and can’t find work. This applies particularly to unemployment insurance benefits. In the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovenia, Luxembourg and Denmark, the self-employed have access to unemployment insurance benefits in the same way as employees if their business fails and they need to look for a job.

In Denmark, obtaining such access by joining an unemployment insurance fund is voluntary, as it is for employees. In Germany, Spain, France, the Netherlands, Austria, Poland and Romania, the self-employed can also become entitled to unemployment benefits by choosing to pay insurance contributions.

This is also the case in Finland and Sweden, where the self-employed are covered for unemployment by basic insurance but have the option of gaining further entitlement to earnings-related benefits by joining the insurance fund responsible for their sector of activity. In the remaining countries, Belgium, Ireland, Greece, Italy, the UK, Bulgaria, all three Baltic States, Slovakia, Cyprus, Malta and Norway, the self-employed are not eligible at all for unemployment benefits, although in Slovakia, this applies only to the self-employed who have no employees.

In the UK they are entitled to receive means-tested unemployment assistance if they are no longer trading and looking for a job. In summary, young people who are self-employed have more limited access to unemployment insurance benefits in many countries than employees, especially employees with standard contracts of employment. Indeed, in most countries, those in bogus self-employment are less likely to qualify for benefit in practice since even where they have the option of joining unemployment insurance schemes voluntarily, they are unlikely to do so.

It is, of course, the case that young people employed as family workers are in an even more vulnerable position since they are not covered by unemployment insurance schemes and are, accordingly, dependent on their families or on general social assistance schemes — which tend to be relatively weak in the countries where their numbers are largest — should the businesses they work in fail. No formal distinction is made between temporary and permanent employment in the conditions governing entitlement to sickness benefits in most countries with the exceptions of Luxembourg and Slovakia.

In most countries, there are also no social contribution requirements or the conditions are relatively lax. However, in ten countries Belgium, Denmark, Ireland, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Lithuania and Malta they are strict enough to potentially prevent young people in temporary jobs being eligible.

Young people may also be disadvantaged in some countries Germany, Austria, the UK, Ireland and the Czech Republic by requirements to work a minimum number of hours or have a minimum level of earnings. Eligibility rules for maternity benefits are generally the same as for sickness benefits, though they are stricter in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Luxembourg and Norway and less strict in Germany, Greece, Spain and Poland.

The self-employed potentially have more access to both sickness and maternity benefits in most countries than to unemployment benefits, so long as social contribution requirements are met, though in many cases on less favourable terms than employees. In Italy, Greece, Ireland, France, and the Netherlands, however, the self-employed are not eligible for sickness benefits. In the UK they are not entitled to either sickness or maternity benefits. In a number of countries participation in social insurance schemes is voluntary Germany, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Lithuania and Poland for both sickness and maternity benefits and in Italy for access to maternity benefits.

This may mean that, in practice, the bogus self-employed exclude themselves. Young people in temporary jobs in most countries tend to be less disadvantaged compared with those on permanent employment contracts in ability to access to other short-term social benefits, sickness and maternity benefits in particular because qualifying conditions tend to be less restrictive than for unemployment benefit. With the exception of two countries, no formal distinction is made between temporary workers and others as regards entitlement to benefit.

The two exceptions are Luxembourg and Slovakia: in the former, those in short-term casual work — less than three months a year — are exempt from compulsory social insurance; in the latter, those on external employment contracts who have irregular income are not covered by social insurance before January , this was also true for those with regular income.

Any disadvantage, therefore, stems mainly from practical differences between those on temporary contracts and those on standard ones. In particular, young people in temporary jobs may have more limited access because of being more likely to work fewer hours than the minimum number specified for compulsory participation in social insurance schemes — many part-time jobs are also temporary in many countries — or earning less than the minimum monthly or weekly amount stipulated, which, in practice, is likely to apply predominantly to part-time workers.

Those in temporary jobs are unlikely to be significantly disadvantaged in most countries for access to sickness benefits by being unable to pay social contributions. In Italy, however, the length of time benefit is paid depends on the number of days worked in the previous 12 months, which may disadvantage those on temporary contracts. In Slovenia, while no distinction is made between the eligibility of temporary or permanent workers for benefits, students who make up the bulk of temporary workers among young people, and students are not eligible for benefits.

Before January , this also applied to those on this type of contract with regular earnings. In a number of other countries where conditions for entitlement to benefit apply, they are relatively lax. In Sweden, the only requirement is to have worked continuously for 14 days if the term of employment is less than one month. In Germany, Finland, Estonia, Romania and Norway, the applicant must have worked in a job liable for social contributions for at least four weeks or one month — in Romania, this month needs to have been within the past year.

In Poland, the applicant must have paid 30 continuous days of contributions, and those employed under civil law contracts can pay insurance contributions on a voluntary basis and so gain entitlement to sickness and maternity benefits.

In the remaining countries, the qualifying conditions are slightly stricter and accordingly may mean in practice that some young people on temporary contracts are not covered. In Denmark, the applicant needs to have worked for 74 hours around two weeks in the previous eight weeks to be eligible for sickness benefit though income support might be provided by municipalities for those failing to meet this condition, in particular for those eligible for unemployment insurance benefit.

In Spain, the requirement is similar days during the last five years and in Malta, it is more stringent 50 weeks of contributions. In Ireland, it is stricter still, with 39 weekly contributions nine monthly ones being paid or credited during the previous year or 26 weekly contributions being paid in each of the previous two years. In Greece, employees need to have worked for days during the previous year. The duration of payment of benefits also depends on the length of time over which contributions have been paid, the minimum being days in the previous year, which gives entitlement to benefit for six months the maximum being 4, days for benefits payable for two years.

Eligibility requirements for maternity benefit are similar. As noted above, no distinction is made between those on temporary contracts of employment and those on standard ones and, in most cases, contribution payment requirements do not significantly disadvantage the former.

In most cases too, the conditions are much the same as for eligibility for sickness benefits. In some countries, however, they are less strict, so putting young people in temporary jobs at less of a disadvantage. In Poland, in particular, there is no qualifying period of contributions, and likewise in Spain for those under In Germany, everyone with statutory health insurance is entitled to benefit.

In Greece, days of work is required over the preceding two years, which is more demanding than in most other countries, but less so than in the case of entitlement to sickness benefits. In a number of other countries, on the other hand, conditions are stricter for eligibility for maternity benefits than for sickness benefits, so tending to put young people in temporary jobs at more of a disadvantage.

For instance, in the Czech Republic, women need to have worked for at least days over the previous two years to be eligible and in Luxembourg to have paid contributions for six months over the previous year; yet in both cases no qualifying period is required for sickness benefits. In Lithuania, 12 months of contributions is required over the previous two years to be eligible, compared to three months over the previous 12 for sickness benefits.

In Bulgaria, 12 months of contributions rather than the six needed for sickness benefits have to be paid to qualify. In Norway, women have to be employed for at least six months in the previous ten months to be eligible, compared to the requirement of four weeks’ social contributions paid for sickness benefit.

For young people in bogus self-employment, potential access to both sickness and maternity benefits is more widespread than for unemployment benefits, provided that social contribution requirements are met. In most countries, participation in the system of social insurance which gives entitlement to benefits is compulsory only since July in Romania , though in many cases the terms are less favourable than for employees.

The self-employed, for instance, often have to wait for a longer period of time after application for sickness benefits before they receive it, or are required to have paid contributions for a longer period.

In Germany, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Lithuania and Poland, participation in social insurance schemes for the two types of benefit is voluntary. In Italy, the self-employed are not eligible for sickness benefits.

This is also the case in Ireland, Greece, France and the Netherlands. This is despite the fact that in Ireland, Greece and France, payment of contributions giving entitlement to maternity benefits is compulsory rather than voluntary.

In sum, therefore, the self-employed have much the same access to maternity benefits as employees in all countries except five — which includes two, Greece and Italy, where the number of bogus self-employed is among the largest in Europe, and the UK, where they have no entitlement to sickness benefits in the event of falling ill.

Eligibility requirements for public pensions are in most cases similar for temporary and permanent workers. A potential difference arises, however, from the former being likely to have lower earnings over their lifetime than the latter, if only by having an interrupted employment record and so being entitled to a smaller pension. This decline is reflected in Table 1 above, which shows a fall in the proportion of those aged 15—24 in temporary employment after Temporary contracts also in many cases involve students who work while they study.

These jobs are distinct from apprenticeships because there is no expectation that they will lead to a permanent job. The maximum duration of temporary contracts is not regulated by law in Denmark, but in the public sector temporary contracts can be renewed a maximum of four times.

All except the Netherlands have a small proportion of young people on temporary contracts; all, including the Netherlands, have a significant proportion on contracts for a probationary period. In Estonia, all this group are, therefore, on short-term contracts of less than a year this is probably true in the other countries as well. In Estonia, the proportion of young people employed on temporary contracts, though still relatively small, has increased significantly since , stimulated by the lower costs they imply for employers.

About half of young temporary workers are employed for a probationary period, six times more than the EU average. Since the new Employment Contract Act intended to increase labour market flexibility took effect in , temporary contracts can be concluded without restriction instead of being permitted only in exceptional cases. Provisions were also introduced to improve worker protection which include obliging employers to pay workers for the remainder of a fixed-term contract if it is terminated before the agreed end, whereas on standard contracts they are obliged to pay only one month’s notice.

The maximum duration is five years and if a person signs a fixed-term contract more than twice with the same employer for similar work, or if the contract is extended more than once in five years, it is considered to be a permanent contract.

However, the gap between two contracts needs only to be longer than one month for the second one to be considered a separate contract and so not covered by the five-year rule.

The development of temporary employment was blocked by restrictions imposed in to prevent fixed-term contracts being used in cases where work was permanent. These restrictions were eased in in response to the crisis to allow employers to conclude fixed-term contracts for newly established positions, irrespective of the nature of the work, so long as no more than half of the workforce was employed on such contracts.

The maximum duration of such contracts is set at two years or no later than 31 July , whichever is the sooner. A significant number of young people were working as standby employees The possibility of extending fixed-term contracts for young people aged 15—26 to a maximum of four years with up to three renewals, introduced in in response to the crisis, ended in January The maximum duration of fixed-term contracts has reverted to three years with, at most, two renewals.

In Bulgaria, probationary contracts can be concluded for a period of up to six months, and temporary contracts cannot exceed three years and can be renewed only once with the same employer for the same task. The government subsidises a number of temporary employment schemes targeted at young people under 30, with contracts of between six months and a year. In Malta, probationary contracts also usually last six months, but can last up to one year for executive and managerial positions if the salary offered is twice the national minimum wage or more.

Other forms of temporary contract are limited to four years. The significant increase in temporary employment in Malta in , however, is attributed to the depressed state of the labour market as a result of the crisis, the lack of alternative jobs for young people and uncertainty about future prospects for employers.

As a result, the government has recently introduced a number of legal provisions to better protect temporary workers, especially temporary agency workers. These countries can be divided into two sub-groups: Spain, Portugal, Greece and Poland, where a relatively large number of young people are employed in temporary jobs or in the case of Greece, as family workers , and the remaining seven where the number of family workers is relatively small — though less so in Belgium.

In all eleven, however, the majority of young workers report taking jobs with non-standard contracts only because they were unable to find a permanent position.

These are being increasingly used because of their flexibility and low administrative costs. The workers concerned have no right to holiday, severance pay or a guaranteed minimum wage. The maximum duration of such contracts varies from hours a year in the case of short one-off tasks to 10 hours a week and, for student jobs, 20 hours a week.

The duration of other temporary contracts is now limited to two years with no more than two renewals, a tightening of the conditions which prevailed before January when it was possible for fixed-term contracts to last for up to three years with three renewals. The use of temporary contracts expanded in the mids during a period of high unemployment, encouraged by the government to increase labour market flexibility by reducing the costs of dismissal. The focus now is on trying to make permanent jobs more flexible, in part by introducing a new contract under which those employed for a trial period the first year are no longer entitled to redundancy payments.

The maximum duration of temporary contracts was limited to 24 months in for workers taken on more than once by the same employer, irrespective of whether the nature of the job changed. In , however, in response to the crisis and to simulate employment, employers were allowed to extend temporary contracts indefinitely up until the beginning of ; the limit of 24 months was then re-applied. Temporary contracts cannot exceed three years and can be renewed no more than twice though a proposed amendment to the Labour Code will allow unlimited renewals for seasonal workers in agriculture and construction.

Here the development of temporary employment is partly related to an increase in the number of migrants working as domestic workers with residence and working permits of up to four years , though the number has recently fallen as a result of the crisis. The number of temporary workers has also risen in the education sector, where a common practice to reduce wage costs in private schools is to hire teachers only for the academic year from October to May, leaving them to claim unemployment benefits in the remaining months.

Temporary contracts are limited to three years in duration and an employer taking on someone who has previously been working for at least 30 months on a fixed-term contract has to do so on an open-ended contract. In Portugal, the proportion of young people in employment on fixed-term contracts is almost as large as in Spain and, as in Spain, legislation was recently changed to make the use of permanent contracts more attractive by reducing employment protection and bureaucracy in the event of redundancies.

At the same time, however, under the new Labour Code introduced in , fixed-term contracts can now be renewed up to three times instead of only twice. In Romania, the proportion of young people employed on temporary contracts was the smallest in the EU in 5. To boost employment and to increase employer flexibility, the Labour Code was amended in to raise the maximum duration of temporary contracts from 24 months to 36, and with no restriction on the number of times they could be renewed previously twice.

In addition, employers were permitted to pay agency workers a salary equal to the minimum wage whereas previously they had been required to pay wages at least equal to those of similar workers in the company. In Greece, flexible forms of employment such as service contracts and work rotation contracts — employment for only a few days per week, one or two weeks per month or a few months per year have become more common since the onset of the crisis.

As already discussed, a significant and growing number of young people are now employed as family workers, almost certainly reflecting the lack of standard job opportunities. Before the crisis, temporary contracts were used mainly to meet seasonal needs, for projects of a pre-defined duration and to replace employees on leave or absent from work.

Since the crisis, temporary jobs have become a means of integrating young people into the labour market, and in the maximum duration of fixed-term contracts was increased to 36 months instead of 24 months previously. The latest data indicate, however, a sharp fall in the proportion of those aged 15—24 in temporary jobs between and of four percentage points, a result of many SMEs major users of fixed-term contracts closing down.

Temporary contracts are regarded by employers as an important means of adjusting to variations in economic conditions, capable of being converted into permanent jobs if growth occurs and easily cancelled if it does not or if there is a downturn.

Temporary working is concentrated in sectors that are sensitive to cyclical fluctuations in economic activity, such as construction and parts of manufacturing.

Renewal of fixed-term contracts is not allowed except in specific cases where the nature of the work, such as scientific research or live performance in the arts, makes renewals unavoidable. In these cases, there can be up to four successive fixed-term contracts, each with a minimum duration of three months and a total duration of up to two years.

The development of temporary employment contracts is in part related to the fight against illegal work in the black economy, their use being encouraged to provide better protection to workers as well as to increase receipts of social contributions.

The maximum duration is set at five years, including renewals, and there must be a gap between contracts of more than six months for them to be considered separate. In Latvia, temporary contracts are limited to special cases where the nature of the work requires them and cannot exceed three years. There must also be at least 30 days between two contracts for them to be considered separate, otherwise the limit of three years applies to the two together.

As in Bulgaria, the strict regulations which have continued to be imposed have limited the use of fixed-term contracts to only a small proportion of young people in employment 9. In Poland, there are a number of reasons for the growing use of temporary contracts, not least that those fixed for longer than six months can be ended by a two-week period of notice, while three months’ notice must be given to end permanent contracts.

In some cases, fixed-term contracts are also used to impose more discipline on workers through the threat of non-renewal the number employed on such contracts tends to be smaller in companies with active trade unions.

The maximum duration of fixed-term contracts is not regulated by law, but after two consecutive fixed-term contracts have been completed, the third has to be a permanent contract unless there has been a gap in employment of more than 30 days. This provision, however, was suspended during the crisis from August to December to help maintain employment levels.

These countries have widely differing proportions of young people in temporary employment but in all of them a significant number of these workers reported that they did not want a permanent job. In Slovenia, Sweden, Finland and Norway, this was largely because many of them were still studying, and in Ireland many are employed on fixed-term projects or in casual jobs. As a result, in all of these countries, employment contracts are for a large part relatively short. No special measures had been introduced by any of the countries in this group to encourage temporary working in response to the crisis.

The growth of young people on temporary contracts is largely related to longer-term factors, such as the increasing number of people remaining in education beyond compulsory schooling and taking up temporary jobs while studying, and the lower costs of such contracts for employers.

Again, this is largely because many of the young people concerned are still studying. Although the number employed in such jobs has declined significantly during the crisis, the reduction is much lower than for those employed on standard contracts, so that in relative terms the number has risen markedly.

The maximum duration of fixed-term contracts is two years for the same job and successive contracts are allowed only if the gap between them is more than three months. They are particularly attractive for those wanting to combine work and studies. For employers, particularly in retailing and hotels and restaurants, they are a useful way of increasing their workforce temporarily during seasonal peak periods.

Young people who have finished their studies are also often taken on temporarily to replace workers on leave and this can sometimes be tantamount to an informal trial period since they might be offered a permanent job if the person does not return or if a vacancy arises. The maximum duration of temporary contracts is fixed at four years or one year followed by three renewals. In Sweden, where two-thirds of young people’s temporary employment contracts are for less than six months, there has been a large rise in the number of students in higher education over the past decade or two and this has contributed to the increase in young people working in temporary student jobs or seasonal work, especially during the summer.

A significant number are also employed in on-call work common in hotels, restaurants and retailing. Growth of temporary work is also partly attributable to a reform introduced in which made it easier to hire people on a temporary basis by broadening the legal scope of fixed-term contracts.

As in Slovenia, the maximum duration of such contracts is two years. Here, temporary contracts can be used only for justifiable reasons and where the nature of the work involved is not permanent. While the maximum duration is not regulated, it has nevertheless been compulsory since to specify when a contract is to end.

The marked increase in the proportion of young people on temporary contracts in recent years is due largely to the crisis and the uncertainty surrounding future growth which makes employers reluctant to hire people on permanent contracts, although the lower labour costs they involve have also had an impact.

The total duration of a fixed-term contract is limited to four years. An important reason for the marked increase in temporary jobs among young people in Italy since the beginning of the s is the introduction of a series of flexible contracts with lower labour costs and reduced redundancy costs to encourage the employment of the most disadvantaged groups in the labour market and to combat irregular work.

It remains to be seen how effective this will be. Legislation limits the duration of fixed-term contracts to a maximum of three years and sets a minimum of six months for apprenticeship contracts including renewals. In the minimum period that must elapse between two fixed-term contracts for them to be viewed as non-consecutive was increased significantly from 20 days to 90 days for contracts longer than six months to deter the continual employment of workers on temporary contracts.

In Luxembourg and France, a significant proportion of young people in temporary employment are on training contracts. However, this proportion is lower than that in the Group 1 countries where the contracts also tend to be longer.

Many of the traineeships in Luxembourg and France are subsidised by the Government to help young people into employment. Apprenticeships can last for up to three years, but the maximum duration for fixed-term contracts is between nine and 24 months, depending on the reason for the creation of temporary jobs.

Fixed-term contracts can be renewed, but only after at least one-third of the previous contract duration has elapsed. In Luxembourg, a large number of young people on temporary contracts are involved in three publicly subsidised schemes with a maximum duration of 12 months, introduced in to help the unders to find a job through workplace training. The introduction of these three measures accounts for much of the increase in the proportion of young people in temporary employment after the mids shown in Table 1.

One of the measures, designed for university graduates, was discontinued in January In the UK, which stands out from the other EU15 countries as having a much smaller proportion of young people in temporary jobs only A fixed-term contract cannot last longer than four years.

This section examines to what extent young people in temporary jobs are disadvantaged in access to social protection compared with workers who have standard contracts of employment. In a number of countries, young people as a whole have more limited entitlement to social benefits than their older compatriots. However, as shown below, explicit exclusion from such benefits for those in temporary jobs, such as not being eligible for social protection in the event of unemployment, sickness or maternity, not having the same entitlement to an old-age pension as others or not having the same access to healthcare, is rare.

Implicit or actual exclusion, in the sense of not being able to access social benefits because they fail to fulfil eligibility requirements because of an inadequate employment or social contributions record, is far more common.

In many countries the bogus self-employed who work for a single organisation, often on less favourable terms than if they were an employee, also have less entitlement to social benefits than employees if they become unemployed or sick. They are also less likely to build up sufficient entitlement to retirement pensions because their employers in not required to pay social contributions. In all countries apart from the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland, being in a temporary rather than a permanent job does not make a difference to formal entitlement to unemployment benefits.

However, the amount and duration of benefits can differ as can entitlement, because those in temporary jobs are more likely to have an inadequate contribution record, low wages or relatively short working hours. Young people on temporary contracts are likely to find it most difficult to meet qualifying conditions for unemployment benefits in the Netherlands, Ireland, Latvia and Poland, and easiest in France, Spain and Greece.

The rules governing entitlement to benefit have remained largely unchanged in most countries over the crisis period, although they have been relaxed in Slovenia and Portugal, and in Italy entitlement has been extended to apprentices. In Greece and the Czech Republic, by contrast, the rules have been tightened. In only five of the countries Denmark, Luxembourg, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovenia do the self-employed have the same entitlement to unemployment benefits as employees.

In around half the countries, they have no entitlement at all and in others they have the option of joining an insurance scheme voluntarily.

Whether the bogus self-employed are likely to take up this option is, however, open to question. As discussed, young people with temporary contracts of employment were often the first to lose their jobs as European economies went into recession in — and in most cases those who did had difficulty finding new ones. More generally, workers on temporary contracts obviously face a higher risk of unemployment than those on standard contracts and can also have more limited access to income support if this happens.

Income support for the unemployed can take one of two forms. Those out of work may be entitled to unemployment insurance benefits which are typically contributory, financed through earnings-related social contributions levied on employers and employees.

Eligibility depends on having a sufficient contributions record based on proof that the person concerned has been employed, and paid contributions, for a minimum period of time. The amount payable is in most cases earnings-related but can also be flat rate, or may include both a fixed and earnings-related component.

All the European countries covered here have unemployment insurance schemes, although the eligibility conditions and the amount of benefit payable vary greatly. If not eligible for unemployment benefits or if they have exhausted their entitlement, the unemployed might be able to receive unemployment assistance, which is non-contributory and mostly financed through general taxation.

This is generally less generous than unemployment benefit and often means-tested, assessed at the household rather than individual level so that young people living with their parents are not eligible. The amount received can be a flat-rate, or designed to bring a household’s income up to a minimum level, or a combination of both. Eleven EU Member States Austria, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Malta, Portugal, Spain and the UK have specific unemployment assistance schemes, and in the remaining countries income support is provided, if eligibility conditions are met, as part of general social assistance or minimum income schemes.

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